Colombo re-emerges as strategic U.S. platform amid Persian Gulf crisis

[TamilNet, Wednesday, 06 May 2026, 22:19 GMT]
The escalating confrontation involving the U.S., Israel and Iran, combined with the growing denial of operational access to American forces in the Persian Gulf, is rapidly elevating the strategic importance of the island of Sri Lanka within U.S. military calculations in the Indian Ocean, writes Norway-based Eezham Tamil political analyst and anthropology scholar Athithan Jayapalan. As Washington faces increasing difficulties in sustaining its naval and military presence in the Gulf due to Iranian missile capabilities, drone warfare and maritime interdiction strategies, the island’s geographical position, naval infrastructure and longstanding defence ties with the United States are once again assuming major geopolitical significance.

The recent sinking and interception of Iranian-linked vessels in waters adjacent to the island, alongside intensified engagements between Colombo and senior U.S. military officials, point towards the growing utilisation of the island as a logistical and strategic platform for U.S. operations linked to the Persian Gulf and Arabian Sea theatres.

Full text of the article by Athithan Jayapalan follows:

Sri Lanka: A logistical and strategic necessity for US?

The escalating confrontation involving the U.S., Israel and Iran, combined with the growing denial of operational access to American forces in the Persian Gulf, is rapidly elevating the strategic importance of Sri Lanka within U.S. military calculations in the Indian Ocean. As Washington faces increasing challenges in sustaining its naval and military presence in the Gulf due to Iranian missile capabilities, drone warfare and maritime interdiction strategies, Sri Lanka’s geographical position, naval infrastructure and longstanding defence ties with the United States are once again assuming major geopolitical significance. Recent military developments in waters adjacent to the island, combined with intensified engagements between Colombo and senior U.S. military officials, point towards the growing utilisation of Sri Lanka as a logistical and strategic platform for U.S. operations linked to the Persian Gulf and Arabian Sea theatres.

The growing denial of operational access to the United States in the Persian Gulf region, stemming from repeated attacks by Iran and its regional allies on U.S. military bases and installations across West Asia and the Middle East, has created mounting logistical challenges for the U.S. armed forces. Since the 1990s, the U.S. military architecture in the Gulf has served as the backbone of Washington’s efforts to dominate West Asia and sustain military interventions in Iraq, Afghanistan, Syria, Yemen and elsewhere.

The expanding threat posed by Iranian missile systems, drones and fast naval attack craft has increasingly compelled U.S. naval forces to operate from safer distances outside the Persian Gulf, towards the outer edges of the Arabian Sea. Under such conditions, the nearest major forward-operational base under U.S. control with adequate naval and aerial infrastructure is the island base of Diego Garcia, located approximately 1,700 kilometres south of Sri Lanka and nearly 4,000 kilometres from Iran.

Even Diego Garcia was reportedly targeted on 21 March when Iran allegedly launched two intermediate-range ballistic missiles towards the base, although the missiles failed to strike their intended target.

As earlier reported by TamilNet, the expanding U.S.-Israel-Iran war and the accelerating transition from a unipolar to a multipolar geopolitical order have once again heightened the strategic value of the island of Sri Lanka, its maritime position, and its naval and aerial infrastructure.

The denial of access to U.S. military facilities in the Gulf increasingly necessitates alternative forward-operational platforms for Washington to project power into the Persian Gulf and the wider Middle East. These calculations have been intensified by the unsuccessful U.S. attempts to break Iran’s effective control over the Strait of Hormuz.

Sri Lanka, with its longstanding structural alignment with the United States and its defence arrangements under the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) and the Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreement (ACSA), first formalised during the 1990s and 2000s, emerges as a potentially optimal alternative logistical platform for the U.S.

The expanding U.S. footprint in Sri Lanka during the post-Cold War era was meticulously analysed for years by the late senior TamilNet editor and revolutionary political analyst Sivaram Dharmalingam, widely known as Taraki.

Weakening of U.S. power projection

On 7 April, the U.S. President announced a two-week ceasefire in the war involving the U.S., Israel and Iran.

The move was followed by indirect negotiations in Islamabad facilitated by Pakistani officials between U.S. and Iranian delegations.

On 12 April, U.S. Vice President J.D. Vance, who headed the American delegation, praised Pakistan’s role while simultaneously warning that failure to reach an agreement would have severe consequences for Iran.

Central contradictions reportedly emerged between a U.S. 15-point proposal and Iran’s 10-point counterproposal. Among the primary Iranian demands was an end to Israeli occupation and military operations in southern Lebanon.

Israel nevertheless continued its military operations in Lebanon, while Iran insisted that any further negotiations with Washington would remain conditional upon the cessation of Israeli attacks.

These developments were accompanied by repeated announcements concerning the opening and closure of the Strait of Hormuz.

From 13 April onwards, the U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) announced a naval blockade targeting Iran, threatening to interdict ships entering or departing Iranian ports. Reports further indicated that anti-mining operations had commenced in the northern Arabian Sea from 11 April.

Iran, meanwhile, reportedly introduced alternative maritime routes bypassing international shipping lanes by hugging the Iranian coastline and the island of Qeshm.

On 16 April, during a Pentagon briefing, CENTCOM commander Admiral Adam Cooper announced the deployment of an additional 50,000 U.S. troops to the Middle East.

Iran’s Supreme National Security Council subsequently declared that Tehran would maintain control over the Strait of Hormuz until what it termed the “definite end” of the war waged by the U.S. and Israel, and until lasting peace had been established.

On 20 April, the Iranian-flagged container vessel Touska was reportedly fired upon and disabled by a U.S. Navy destroyer in the Sea of Oman. Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi condemned the attack on 22 April, characterising the U.S. blockade as an act of war and a violation of the ceasefire.

On 21 April, the U.S. President announced an extension of the ceasefire indefinitely.

The following day, the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) Navy reportedly seized two large vessels accused of bypassing Iran’s effective “toll control” over the Strait of Hormuz.

Also on 21 April, an Indian-registered crude oil tanker was intercepted by U.S. military forces. Colombo-based media reported that the vessel had docked at the port of Galle on 18 April while returning from the Persian Gulf. The ship reportedly altered course towards Sri Lanka following the interception.

This incident, together with the sinking of the Iranian naval vessel Dena off the southern coast of Sri Lanka by a U.S. submarine and the apprehension of another Iranian naval vessel by Sri Lankan authorities, reflects the growing entanglement of the Sri Lankan state and the waters surrounding the island in U.S. military operations across the Indian Ocean and Middle East theatres.

Amid these reciprocal blockades, interdictions and attacks on maritime trade routes, a second round of indirect negotiations scheduled in Islamabad took place on 25 April.

An Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesperson later stated that no formal meeting had occurred between Iranian and U.S. delegations. Iranian Foreign Minister Araqchi nevertheless described discussions with Pakistani officials as “fruitful” while adding that Tehran remained uncertain whether Washington was genuinely committed to diplomacy. His Islamabad visit was followed by visits to Oman and Russia.

U.S. pushed out of the Persian Gulf

In a statement released on 3 May, CENTCOM announced participation in “Project Freedom”, a U.S.-led initiative aimed at escorting commercial shipping into and out of the Persian Gulf.

CENTCOM commander Admiral Brad Cooper declared that support for the mission was “essential to regional security and the global economy” while the U.S. maintained its naval blockade.

U.S. President Donald Trump formally announced “Project Freedom” on his Truth Social platform the following day.

That same day, Iranian naval forces reportedly fired warning shots near two U.S. warships approaching the Strait of Hormuz, forcing them to withdraw into the Indian Ocean.

On 5 May, U.S. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth and Air Force General Dan Caine held Pentagon briefings in which Hegseth stated that Iran “cannot be allowed to block innocent countries and their goods from an international waterway” or weaponise a strategic chokepoint for financial leverage.

General Caine revealed that approximately 22,500 merchant mariners aboard 1,500 commercial vessels remained trapped inside the Persian Gulf.

Iranian officials continued demanding an end to the U.S. naval blockade as a precondition for negotiations. Senior IRGC commander General Yadollah Javan told Iranian state media on 5 May that despite Washington’s efforts, the United States would “ultimately suffer defeat” and would not be able to “reverse the new reality in the Strait of Hormuz.”

On the same day, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, serving temporarily as White House spokesperson, announced that President Trump had declared “Operation Epic Fury” complete and that Washington had achieved its military objectives against Iran.

Rubio further characterised “Project Freedom” as a defensive mission, insisting that “there is no shooting unless we are shot at first.”

Also on 5 May, President Trump posted on Truth Social that while the blockade would remain in force, “Project Freedom” would be temporarily paused to determine whether an agreement with Iran could be finalised.

U.S. lays groundwork in Sri Lanka

Against this backdrop of deteriorating U.S. access to the Persian Gulf and the effective paralysis of many American military facilities across West Asia, Washington’s strategic interest in Sri Lanka appears to have sharply crystallised.

The sinking of an Iranian naval vessel, the apprehension of another, and the interdiction of commercial shipping linked to Iran — all in waters adjacent to Sri Lanka — underscore the island’s growing integration into U.S. strategic calculations in the Indian Ocean.

Even before the latest escalation between the U.S. and Iran, the incumbent Sri Lankan regime had attracted an unprecedented series of high-profile visits from senior U.S. naval commanders.

Following the ascent of the NPP-JVP administration under President Anura Kumara Dissanayake in September 2024, commanders of the U.S. Pacific Fleet visited Sri Lanka twice, while the commander of the U.S. Indo-Pacific Command (INDOPACOM) undertook an official tour of the island.

U.S. Ambassador Julie Chung simultaneously appeared to cultivate close ties with President Dissanayake both before and after his election. During Admiral Koehler’s visits, Ambassador Chung accompanied him to meetings with top Sri Lankan political and military officials, including the President.

On 10 October 2024, then commander of the U.S. Pacific Fleet Admiral Steve Koehler visited Sri Lanka during the transfer of a Beechcraft King Air 360ER surveillance aircraft intended for maritime reconnaissance operations.

The official U.S. Pacific Fleet statement described the visit as demonstrating Washington’s “commitment to strengthening partnerships in the Indo-Pacific and advancing a shared vision for peace and stability by upholding the rules-based international order.”

The statement further noted that the aircraft would provide capabilities for the Sri Lankan Air Force and Navy to patrol Sri Lankan waters, counter maritime threats and secure vital trade routes in the Indian Ocean.

Koehler met President Dissanayake as well as the commanders of the Sri Lankan Air Force and Navy.

Between 19 and 22 March 2025, INDOPACOM commander Admiral Samuel J. Paparo visited Sri Lanka and held meetings with the Sri Lankan President, Foreign Minister and the heads of the Sri Lankan Navy and Air Force. Paparo also visited SLNS Vijayabahu, one of three former U.S. Coast Guard cutters transferred to the Sri Lankan Navy.

Official PACOM readouts stated that the visit demonstrated Washington’s commitment to strengthening security cooperation and naval partnership with Sri Lanka.

It was further revealed that Sri Lanka had assumed command of the multinational training unit Combined Task Force 154 between January and August 2025. The force is one of five operational task forces functioning under the U.S.-led Combined Maritime Forces headquartered in Manama, Bahrain.

Between 19 and 21 February 2026, Admiral Koehler again returned to Sri Lanka for another official visit. Accompanied by U.S. Chargé d’Affaires Joyne Howell, Koehler met senior Sri Lankan political and military officials and also visited the Colombo Dockyard.

A historic precedent is found in the British and American use of the island during World War 2 in the war against Japan, to retain control of South Asia and reconquer South East Asia. Now at the behest of the U.S, it's the Persian Gulf and the Arabian Sea which needs to be secured whilst also controlling access to crucial maritime sea lanes of the Indian Ocean. Sri Lanka's strategic location in both these instances reflects the historical nature of its strategic use as a springboard for power projection into some of key strategic regions and waterways of the world.

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