'Douglas Devananda not questioned over journalist’s murder' - RSF
[TamilNet, Friday, 18 October 2002, 03:50 GMT]
The international media watchdog, Reporters Sans
Frontiers (RSF) Friday slammed Police investigators
inquiring into the murder of Jaffna journalist
Mayilvaganam Nimalarajan for never questioning persons
who might have been behind the murder. Gunmen suspected to be members of the Eelam Peoples Democratic Party (EPDP) murdered Nimalarajan at his residence on October 19 2000.
In letter to
Sri Lanka’s Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, the
RSF said: “the name of EPDP leader Douglas Devananda,
minister of rehabilitation of the north and Tamil
affairs in the previous government, was mentioned to
the mission by several persons close to Nimalarajan”.
The Police investigators had told an RSF mission to
Sri Lanka that Mr. Douglas Devananda, the leader of a
paramilitary group working with the Sri Lankan armed
forces and a close ally of President Chandrika
Kumaratunga, would be questioned in connection with
the journalist’s murder; but had not done so. The RSF
also deplored the tardy pace of the investigations.
The following is the full text of the letter:
“Exactly two years ago, on 19 October 2000, Sri Lankan
journalist Mayilvaganam Nimalarajan was murdered in
his home at Jaffna. The day after his murder, the
country's highest authority, the President, promised
an investigation to establish the motives for the
killing and identify its perpetrators. However,
Reporters Without Borders (Reporters sans frontières)
and the Damocles Network, organisations committed to
fight impunity for those who kill journalists, are
obliged to point that the perpetrators have so far
neither been formally identified, nor brought to trial
and punished. Nor have those who were behind this
murder.
At your government's instigation, the police
nonetheless relaunched the investigation which had
come to a halt under the preceding government. We
welcome this and would like to convey to you, in this
open letter, a number of observations and
recommendations resulting from a fact-finding mission
which we carried out in Sri Lanka in June 2002.
According to information we obtained in Colombo and
Jaffna, the Criminal Investigation Department (CID)
made remarkable progress with the investigation from
January to September of this year. At least six
persons were interrogated and placed in custody on
suspicion of involvement in the murder. No suspect
admitted direct involvement, but several implicated
other persons. Despite the CID's lack of resources,
the investigation had been re-launched as a result of
pressure from the interior ministry, the
attorney-general and Jaffna magistrate. Reporters
Without Borders and the Damocles Network expressed
their appreciation for this on several occasions, in
particular, at a meeting on 19 June with Interior
Minister John Amaratunga at which they asked him to
ensure that all leads were pursued. He responded that
the government was determined to get to the bottom of
this affair.
Nonetheless, two of the suspects, David Michael
Collins and a certain Vishua, were released on bail by
the Vavuniya high court on 11 September. The judge,
known for being lenient, ordered them freed on bail of
100,000 rupees each in response to a request by the
lawyer who represents the Eelam People's Democratic
Party (EPDP), a Tamil political party opposed to the
Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). We deplore
this decision by the judge, which could seriously
compromise the outcome of the investigation,
especially as the two suspects' passports were not
confiscated for the duration of the enquiry.
Furthermore, another suspect known as Napoleon, who
was an EPDP paramilitary leader, had already
reportedly fled the country after the EPDP's electoral
defeat.
Reporters Without Borders had on several occasions
denounced the previous government for a lack of
determination to see the investigation progress. As a
result of our fact-finding mission to Sri Lanka, we
were able to confirm that from October 2000 to January
2002, the work of the police was blocked by the
authorities in Colombo and Jaffna, and that several
suspects including Napoleon were seen circulating
freely in Jaffna during that period.
The evidence of this is conclusive. Journalists and
human rights activists in Colombo told the Reporters
Without Borders representatives that President
Chandrika Kumaratunga's public calls for an
investigation immediately after the murder were
paradoxically seen as a signal to the police and army
that the political establishment would rather, or
indeed was ordering, that they block any
investigation. Thus, four months after the murder,
Justice Minister Batti Weerakoon told the BBC that the
government was not in position to conduct an
investigation into Nimalarajan's death in the absence
of a police station in Jaffna as a result of the
fighting.
The pressure also came from Jaffna, where the EPDP
criticised Nimalarajan and his supposed links with the
LTTE and opposed any progress in the investigation.
"Once the EPDP had succeeded in convincing the police
and army that Nimalarajan was close to the LTTE, it is
hard to imagine their expending an ounce of energy on
trying to find out who had killed one of their
enemies," one Jaffna journalist told us.
The fact-finding mission also tried to get a better
idea of the motives for the murder. We were obliged to
conclude that it was linked to Nimalarajan's
independent coverage of the situation in the Jaffna
peninsula for several Sri Lankan news media
(especially the daily Virakesari and the weekly
Haraya ) and for the BBC's Sinhala-language service.
Those close to Nimalarajan have never really doubted
that armed members of the EPDP killed him because of
his reporting.
The testimony gathered during this mission enables us
to state with confidence that Nimalarajan received
threats from the EPDP and the security forces, which
worked together closely at that time. Although the
EPDP's spokesman in Jaffna insisted that his party had
"nothing to do with this murder" and that this is just
LTTE propaganda, Nimalarajan's family members said he
regularly received telephone threats, especially from
the EPDP.
Two months before his murder, Nimalarajan's wife
received an anonymous call telling her that her
husband's body was at the morgue. She was still in a
state of shock when her husband arrived home a few
minutes later. The president of the North Sri Lanka
Journalists Association confirmed the threats to us:
"A week before his death, Nimalarajan came to see me
and told me he had received a death threat. He had
just revealed that a ballot box in a polling station
in the town of Palay had been stuffed with EPDP
ballots. This report was carried by the BBC and many
newspapers."
Finally, two weeks before the October 2000 elections,
the army accused Nimalarajan of having tried to pass
an envelope containing photographs of all the Jaffna
candidates to the Tamil Tigers. In fact, Nimalarajan
had taken these photographs at the request of Jayasiri
Jayasekera, editor of Ravaya, one of the newspapers he
reported for. He had dispatched them using another
journalist as intermediary, and the envelope was
intercepted by the security forces. Members of the
police and army went to his home to question him about
the envelope and he was again interrogated by members
of the army about this matter a few hours before his
death. Family members urged him at the time to leave
home and depart from Jaffna altogether, but he
refused.
We are aware that the investigation has been held back
by a lack of material evidence. Nonetheless, finger
prints were left on a bicycle found near the scene of
the murder that was probably used by the perpetrators.
Also, 9 mm handgun bullet casings and the remains of
an assault grenade were found at the scene. The
bicycle is without a doubt the best lead. It belonged
to Kandasamy Jegadeeshwaran, also known as Jegan, a
former EPDP member who had left the movement before
the murder. He told the police he had given his
bicycle to the EPDP. It was thereafter reportedly used
by EPDP members at the party's headquarters in Jaffna.
Prints taken from the bicycle's frame were to have
been compared with those of the suspects but no
findings have so far been made known. Similarly, a
ballistic analysis of the casings found at the murder
scene and a pistol taken from EPDP headquarters by the
CID has not yet been sent to the Jaffna magistrate.
We urge you to intervene with the relevant authorities
to ensure that the fingerprint and ballistic reports
are completed as soon as possible and given to the
Jaffna magistrate. If you think it could be useful,
our organisations stand ready to provide the Sri Lanka
police and judicial authorities with the help of
international experts, in particular experts in
ballistics and judicial identification.
The fact-finding mission also established that the
police never really considered the complicity
Nimalarajan's murderers may have enjoyed within the
security forces. It is true that there is no evidence
of direct army involvement in preparing the murder.
But Nimalarajan lived in a high-security zone strictly
controlled by the army. Its residents needed official
authorisations to move about and all visitors had to
obtain a pass from the military authorities.
Furthermore, dozens of military personnel were posted
within a 400-metre radius of Nimalarajan's home.
Nonetheless, we were able to establish that there was
one path that did not have any checkpoint, and the
murderers could have used this route to get away. On
the other hand, it is hard to imagine that they were
able to approach his home on bicycle, crossing part of
the town during curfew, without being seen by army
personnel. According to journalists in Jaffna, patrols
systematically checked individuals moving about at
night. EPDP members, especially those who belonged to
the paramilitary forces, had special authorisations
for night-time movement.
Defence Secretary Austin Fernando assured the mission
that the army would cooperate fully with the CID
investigation. However, the police have not yet taken
the initiative of re-interrogating military personnel
on duty on the night of the murder.
The investigators have furthermore never questioned
those who might have been behind the murder. The name
of EPDP leader Douglas Devananda, minister of
rehabilitation of the north and Tamil affairs in the
previous government, was mentioned to the mission by
several persons close to Nimalarajan. Devananda has
had to defend himself from press suggestions that he
might have been behind the killing. In a
counter-attack in November 2002, Devananda suggested
that Nimalarajan was close to the Tamil Tigers. The
police told the mission that Devananda would be
summoned for questioned (sic), if necessary, but this
has not yet happened. Although still an MP in the new
parliament, Devananda does not enjoy any immunity.
As you know, Sri Lankan journalists pay a high price
for exercising their profession. At least 31
journalists have been killed since 1988. In most of
these cases, the murderers were never arrested and
brought to trial.
You have often affirmed your support for press
freedom, together with that of your government.
Reporters Without Borders has also been pleased to see
that the promotion of press freedom has become a
priority for your government. Within six months, the
authorities have abolished an old repressive law under
which journalists ran the risk of imprisonment for
articles deemed libellous. The government also allowed
two military personnel to be sentenced to long prison
terms for staging a mock execution of a well-known
journalist. Furthermore, all restrictions on press
access to the north and east of the country, including
zones held by the Tamil Tigers, have been lifted. We
now hope your government will espouse the fight
against impunity as part of the peace process.
Two years to the day after Nimalarajan's murder, we
urge to make all the necessary resources available so
that the police can conclude their investigation. We
also ask you to ensure that R. T. Vignarajah, the
magistrate in charge of the case in Jaffna, is able to
conduct an independent judicial investigation. In
particular, it seems to us that suspects should be
prevented from leaving Sri Lankan territory. Finally,
we ask you to keep us informed of progress in the
investigation”.
Chronology: